In classic texts, the term dêmos seems to be a referent identifying some specific political boundary or identity, having been translated within Homer both as “district”[1] and as “some man from some locale.”[2] This places the concept within the realm of the public, where what constitutes dêmos may be debated. In addition to discovering who may be, and who is not, incorporated in such a constituency, scholars have also discussed the role of the dêmos in democratic societies. In modernity, the word, perhaps, assumes a broader meaning, yet still situates itself firmly in the public sphere.
Members of the dêmos may well be defined by the other; those without formulation into this entity, which could be described as a populace. Plato makes a distinction between a ‘statesman’ and the dêmos, while further implying such a populace finds influence from oration and counsel.[3] Greater support can also be found for an understanding of dêmos as the ‘common people’ of a state,[4] thereby drawing a power distinction between those who live under the rule of law and those who make law. Thucydides, however, later argues the dêmos incorporates all people of the state, “oligarchy only a part,”[5] of the collective, bestowing upon it a larger, participatory and influential role in the polis.
While the dêmoi of ancient times were encompassed in the beginnings of Western democratic formations, from city-states toward the complete Greek state, modern scholars engage in investigations of a dêmos’ role in current transnational polities. Questions concerning the successful formation of a dêmos or “civic ‘we-ness’”[6] as the European Union becomes an increasingly powerful body over the continent, may be addressed. Again it may be useful to clarify the function of an EU dêmos by what it is not. Chryssochoou argues that a singleness of identity, a collective cultural consciousness, has no part in such a formation. Instead, the creation of the dêmos is defined by the degree to which the public is mindful of becoming engaged civically, or what he terms, “democratic consciousness.”[7] We can glean that dêmos, then, is an inherently political construct, a requisite of which is the peoples attainment of power within the democratic process.
As the means through which civic engagement may occur grows, we can discuss the possible role of non-institutionalized public spheres in facilitating dêmoi. For example, the internet has, increasingly, become a space where individuals can form a collective ‘democratic consciousness.’ However the degree to which a non-institutionalized public can become a dominant facet of the democratic process seems yet to be determined. Buckinx calls into question assertions that dêmos participation through non-institutionalized mediums are sufficient to meaningfully secure human rights existent within a democracy, because they lack the measure of dominance necessary for control.[8] While purposeful engagement in and the means to control processes of democracy appear to be the modern understanding of what constitutes a dêmos, our shifting, transnational environment may be altering the ways in which peoples may emerge as dêmoi, within democratic society.
[1] Homer, Illiad 2.828.
[2] Homer, Illiad 2.197.
[3] Plato. Plato in Twelve Volumes, Vol. 7 translated by R.G. Bury. Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann Ltd. 1966, L. 5.
[4] demos. 2009. In The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fourth Ed. Online. Retrieved at http://www.thefreedictionary.com/demos.
[5] Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910, 6.39.
[6] Chryssochoou, Dimitri N. (1996). Europe’s could be demos: recasting the debate (democracy). West European Politics, 19.n4.
[7] Chryssochoou, Dimitri N. (1996). Europe’s could be demos: recasting the debate (democracy). West European Politics, 19.n4.
[8] Buckinx, Barbara. "Democracy Across Borders: From Demos to Demoi.(Book review)." Ethics & International Affairs 23.1 (Spring 2009): 73(3).
1 comment:
Very interesting. As a former political science major who took multiple classes on the E.U., I found your analysis of the difficulty in crafting a sense of collective European demos especially compelling.
The last section about how new transnationalism(s) will mean a shift in how peoples emerge as demoi also fascinates me, and i'd like to add in a little more to these ideas.
I can understand the way that globalization is eroding the nation state and by extension the way that populations conceive of themselves and their relationship to the state. This dissolution of national identity can be debated as having both benefits and drawbacks, but is undeniably occurring as we transition from our limited parochial spheres and interests into a more boundless idea of global citizenry.
I think there in the wake of this dissolution there is space for the proliferation of both micro and macro-scale demos. At the micro level, one can look to the creation and reinvigoration of various communities due to emerging communications technology. From the autonomous areas of Spain controlled by the Basques and Catalonians to the use of the internet by the Zapatistas, there are tons of emerging political communities that are throwing their weight around on the global stage.
The argument made by Buckinx ignores that the pen is mightier than the sword. Now that we have the internet and can link up with like-minded individuals on all 7 continents, we all have pen factories.
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